HISTORY
In the northern cities of Kano and Katsina, recorded history dates back to about 1000 AD. In the centuries that followed, these Hausa kingdoms and the Bornu empire near Lake Chad prospered as important terminals of north-south trade between North African Berbers and forest people who exchanged slaves, ivory, and kola nuts for salt, glass beads, coral, cloth, weapons, brass rods, and cowrie shells used as currency.
In the southwest, the Yoruba kingdom of Oyo was founded about 1400, and at its height from the 17th to 19th centuries attained a high level of political organization and extended as far as modern Togo. In the south central part of present-day Nigeria, as early as the 15th and 16th centuries, the kingdom of Benin had developed an efficient army; an elaborate ceremonial court; and artisans whose works in ivory, wood, bronze, and brass are prized throughout the world today. In the 17th through 19th centuries, European traders established coastal ports for the increasing traffic in slaves destined for the Americas. Commodity trade, especially in palm oil and timber, replaced slave trade in the 19th century, particularly under anti-slavery actions by the British Navy. In the early 19th century the Fulani leader, Usman dan Fodio, promulgated Islam and that brought most areas in the north under the loose control of an empire centered in Sokoto.
A British Sphere of Influence
Following the Napoleonic wars, the British expanded trade with the Nigerian interior. In 1885, British claims to a sphere of influence in that area received international recognition and, in the following year, the Royal Niger Company was chartered. In 1900, the company's territory came under the control of the British Government, which moved to consolidate its hold over the area of modern Nigeria. In 1914, the area was formally united as the "Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria."
Administratively, Nigeria remained divided into the northern and southern provinces and Lagos colony. Western education and the development of a modern economy proceeded more rapidly in the south than in the north, with consequences felt in Nigeria's political life ever since. Following World War II, in response to the growth of Nigerian nationalism and demands for independence, successive constitutions legislated by the British Government moved Nigeria toward self-government on a representative, increasingly federal, basis.
Independence
Nigeria was granted full independence in October 1960, as a federation of three regions (northern, western, and eastern) under a constitution that provided for a parliamentary form of government. Under the constitution, each of the three regions retained a substantial measure of self-government. The federal government was given exclusive powers in defense and security, foreign relations, and commercial and fiscal policies. In October 1963, Nigeria altered its relationship with the United Kingdom by proclaiming itself a federal republic and promulgating a new constitution. A fourth region (the midwest) was established that year. From the outset, Nigeria's ethnic, regional, and religious tensions were magnified by the significant disparities in economic and educational development between the south and the north.
On January 15, 1966, a small
group of army officers, mostly southeastern Igbos, overthrew the
government and assassinated the federal prime minister and the
premiers of the northern and western regions. The federal military
government that assumed power was unable to quiet ethnic tensions
or produce a constitution acceptable to all sections of the country.
In fact, its efforts to abolish the federal structure greatly
raised tensions and led to another coup in July. The coup related
massacre of thousands of Igbo in the north prompted hundreds of
thousands of them to return to the southeast, where increasingly
strong Igbo secessionist sentiment emerged.
In a move that gave greater
autonomy to minority ethnic groups, the military divided the four
regions into 12 states. The Igbo rejected attempts at constitutional
revisions and insisted on full autonomy for the east. Finally,
in May 1967, Lt. Col. Emeka Ojukwu, the military governor of the
eastern region, who emerged as the leader of increasing Igbo secessionist
sentiment, declared the independence of the eastern region as
the "Republic of Biafra." The ensuing civil war was bitter and
bloody, ending in the defeat of Biafra in 1970.
Following the civil war, reconciliation
was rapid and effective, and the country turned to the task of
economic development. Foreign exchange earnings and government
revenues increased spectacularly with the oil price rises of 1973-74.
On July 29, 1975, Gen. Murtala Muhammed and a group of fellow
officers staged a bloodless coup, accusing the military government
of Gen. Yakubu Gowon delaying the promised return to civilian
rule and becoming corrupt and ineffective. General Muhammed replaced
thousands of civil servants and announced a timetable for the
resumption of civilian rule by October 1, 1979. Muhammed also
announced the government's intention to create new states and
to construct a new federal capital in the center of the country.
General Muhammed was assassinated
on February 13, 1976, in an abortive coup. His chief of staff,
Lt. Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo, became head of state. Obasanjo adhered
meticulously to the schedule for return to civilian rule, moving
to modernize and streamline the armed forces and seeking to use
oil revenues to diversify and develop the country's economy. Seven
new states were created in 1976, bringing the total to 19. The
process of creating additional states continued until, in 1996,
there were 36.
The Second Republic
A constituent assembly was elected in 1977 to draft a new constitution,
which was published on September 21, 1978, when the ban on political
activity, in effect since the advent of military rule, was lifted.
Political parties were formed, and candidates were nominated for
president and vice president, the two houses of the National Assembly,
governorships, and state houses of assembly. In 1979, five political
parties competed in a series of elections in which a northerner,
Alhaji Shehu Shagari of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN), was
elected president. All five parties won representation in the
National Assembly.
In August 1983, Shagari and
the NPN were returned to power in a landslide victory, with a
majority of seats in the National Assembly and control of 12 state
governments. But the elections were marred by violence and allegations
of widespread vote rigging and electoral malfeasance led to legal
battles over the results.
On December 31, 1983, the
military overthrew the Second Republic. Maj. Gen. Muhammadu Buhari
emerged as the leader of the Supreme Military Council (SMC), the
country's new ruling body. He charged the civilian government
with economic mismanagement, widespread corruption, election fraud,
and a general lack of concern for the problems of Nigerians. He
also pledged to restore prosperity to Nigeria and to return the
government to civilian rule but proved unable to deal with Nigeria's
severe economic problems. The Buhari government was peacefully
overthrown by the SMC's third-ranking member, Army Chief of Staff
Maj. Gen. Ibrahim Babangida, in August 1985.
Babangida moved to restore freedom of the press and to release political detainees being held without charge. As part of a 15-month economic emergency, he announced stringent pay cuts for the military, police, and civil servants and enacted similar cuts for the private sector. Imports of rice, maize, and wheat were banned. Babangida led a national debate on proposed economic reform and recovery measures, which convinced him of intense opposition to an economic recovery package dependent on an International Monetary Fund (IMF) loan.
The Abortive Third Republic
President Babangida promised to return the country to civilian
rule by 1990; this date was later extended until January 1993.
In early 1989, a constituent assembly completed work on a constitution
for the Third Republic. In the spring of 1989, political activity
was again permitted. In October 1989 the government established
two "grassroots" parties: the National Republican Convention (NRC),
which was to be "a little to the right," and the Social Democratic
(SDP), "a little to the left." Other parties were not allowed
to register by the Babangida government.
In April 1990, mid-level officers
attempted to overthrow the Babangida government. The coup failed,
and 69 accused coup plotters were later executed after secret
trials before military tribunals. The transition resumed after
the failed coup. In December 1990 the first stage of partisan
elections was held at the local government level. While turnout
was low, there was no violence, and both parties demonstrated
strength in all regions of the country, with the SDP winning control
of a majority of local government councils.
In December 1991, gubernatorial
and state legislative elections were held throughout the country.
Babangida decreed in December 1991 that previously banned politicians
would be allowed to contest in primaries scheduled for August
1992. These were canceled due to fraud and subsequent primaries
scheduled for September also were canceled. All announced candidates
were disqualified from again standing for president once a new
election format was selected. The presidential election was finally
held on June 12, 1993, with the inauguration of the new president
scheduled to take place August 27, 1993, the eighth anniversary
of President Babangida's coming to power.
In the historic June 12, 1993
presidential elections, which most observers deemed to be Nigeria's
fairest, early returns indicated that wealthy Yoruba businessman
M.K.O. Abiola had won a decisive victory. However, on June 23,
Babangida, using several pending lawsuits as a pretense, annulled
the election, throwing Nigeria into turmoil. More than 100 persons
were killed in riots before Babangida agreed to hand power to
an "interim government" on August 27, 1993. Babangida then attempted
to renege on his decision. Without popular and military support,
he was forced to hand over to Ernest Shonekan, a prominent nonpartisan
businessman. Shonekan was to rule until new elections, scheduled
for February 1994. Although he had led Babangida's Transitional
Council since early 1993, Shonekan was unable to reverse Nigeria's
ever-growing economic problems or to defuse lingering political
tension.
With the country sliding into chaos, Defense Minister Sani Abacha quickly assumed power and forced Shonekan's "resignation" on November 17, 1993. Abacha dissolved all democratic political institutions and replaced elected governors with military officers. Abacha promised to return the government to civilian rule but refused to announce a timetable until his October 1, 1995 Independence Day address. Following the annulment of the June 12 election, the United States and other nations imposed various sanctions on Nigeria, including restrictions on travel by government officials and their families and suspension of arms sales and military assistance. Additional sanctions were imposed as a result of Nigeria's failure to gain full certification for its counter-narcotics efforts.
Although Abacha's takeover was initially welcomed by many Nigerians, disenchantment grew rapidly. A number of opposition figures united to form a new organization, the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), which campaigned for an immediate return to civilian rule. Most Nigerians boycotted the elections held from May 23-28, 1994, for delegates to the government-sponsored Constitutional Conference. On June 11, 1994, using the groundwork laid by NADECO, Abiola declared himself president and went into hiding. He reemerged and was promptly arrested on June 23. With Abiola in prison and tempers rising, Abacha convened the Constitutional Conference June 27, but it almost immediately went into recess and did not reconvene until July 11, 1994.
On July 4, a petroleum workers union called a strike demanding that Abacha release Abiola and hand over power to him. Other unions then joined the strike, which brought economic life in around Lagos area and in much of the southwest to a standstill. After calling off a threatened general strike in July, the Nigeria Labor Congress (NLC) reconsidered a general strike in August, after the government imposed "conditions" on Abiola's release. On August 17, 1994, the government dismissed the leadership of the NLC. Although striking unions returned to work, the government arrested opponents, closed media houses, and moved strongly to curb dissent.
The government alleged in early 1995 that some 40 military officers and civilians were engaged in a coup plot, including former head of state Obasanjo and his deputy, retired Gen. Shehu Musa Yar'Adua. After a secret tribunal, most of the accused were convicted, and several death sentences were handed down. The tribunal also charged, convicted, and sentenced prominent human rights activists, journalists, and others--including relatives of the coup suspects--for their alleged "anti-regime" activities. In October, the government announced that the Provisional Ruling Council (PRC--see below: Abubakar's Transition to Civilian Rule) and Abacha had approved final sentences for those convicted of participation in the coup plot.
In late 1994 the government
set up the Ogoni Civil Disturbances Special Tribunal to try prominent
author and Ogoni activist Ken Saro-Wiwa and others for their alleged
roles in the killings of four prominent Ogoni politicians in May
1994. Saro-Wiwa and 14 others pleaded not guilty to charges that
they procured and counseled others to murder the politicians.
On October 31, 1995, the tribunal sentenced Saro-Wiwa and eight
others to death by hanging. In early November Abacha and the PRC
confirmed the death sentence. Saro-Wiwa and his eight co-defendants
were executed on November 10.
In an October 1, 1995 address to the nation, Gen. Sani Abacha announced the timetable for a 3-year transition to civilian rule. Only five of the political parties which applied for registration were approved by the regime. In local elections held in December 1997, turnout was under 10%. By the April 1998 state assembly and gubernatorial elections, all five of the approved parties had nominated Abacha as their presidential candidate in controversial party conventions. Public reaction to this development in the transition program was apathy and a near-complete boycott of the elections. On December 21, 1997, the government announced the arrest of the country's second highest-ranking military officer, Chief of General Staff Lt. Gen. Oladipo Diya, 10 other officers, and eight civilians on charges of coup plotting.
On December 21, 1997, the
government announced the arrest of the country's second highest-ranking
military officer, Chief of General Staff Lt. Gen. Oladipo Diya,
10 other officers, and eight civilians on charges of coup plotting.
Subsequently, the government arrested a number of additional persons
for roles in the purported coup plot and tried the accused before
a closed-door military tribunal in April in which Diya and eight
others were sentenced to death.
Abacha, widely expected to succeed himself as a civilian president on October 1, 1998, remained head of state until his death on June 8 of that year. He was replaced by General Abdulsalami Abubakar. The PRC, under Abubakar, commuted the sentences of those accused in the alleged 1997 coup in July 1998. In March 1999, Diya and 54 others accused or convicted of participation in coups in 1990, 1995, and 1997 were released. Following the death of former head of state Abacha in June, Nigeria released almost all known civilian political detainees, including the Ogoni 19.
During the Abacha regime, the government continued to enforce its arbitrary authority through the federal security system--the military, the state security service, and the courts. Under Abacha, all branches of the security forces committed serious human rights abuses. After Abubakar's assumption of power and consolidation of support within the PRC, human rights abuses decreased.
Abubakar's Transition to
Civilian Rule
During both the Abacha and Abubakar eras, Nigeria's main decisionmaking
organ was the exclusively military Provisional Ruling Council
(PRC) which governed by decree. The PRC oversaw the 32-member
federal executive council composed of civilians and military officers.
Pending the promulgation of the constitution written by the constitutional
conference in 1995, the government observed some provisions of
the 1979 and 1989 constitutions. Neither Abacha nor Abubakar lifted
the decree suspending the 1979 constitution, and the 1989 constitution
was not implemented. The judiciary's authority and independence
was significantly impaired during the Abacha era by the military
regime's arrogation of judicial power and prohibition of court
review of its action. The court system continued to be hampered
by corruption and lack of resources after Abacha's death. In an
attempt to alleviate such problems, Abubakar's government implemented
a civil service pay raise and other reforms.
In August 1998, the Abubakar government appointed the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to conduct elections for local government councils, state legislatures and governors, the National Assembly, and president. INEC held a series of four successive elections between December 1998 and February 1999. Former military head of state Olusegun Obasanjo, freed from prison by Abubakar, ran as a civilian candidate and won the presidential election. Irregularities marred the vote, and the defeated candidate, Chief Olu Falae, challenged the electoral results and Obasanjo's victory in court.
The PRC promulgated a new constitution, based largely on the suspended 1979 constitution, before the May 29, 1999 inauguration of the new civilian president. The constitution included provisions for a bicameral legislature, the National Assembly, consisting of a 360-member House of Representatives and a 109-member Senate. The executive branch and the office of president retained strong federal powers. The legislature and judiciary, having suffered years of neglect, are finally rebuilding as institutions and beginning to exercise their constitutional roles in the balance of power.
The Obasanjo Administration
The emergence of a democratic Nigeria in May 1999 ended 16 years
of consecutive military rule. Olusegun Obasanjo became the steward
of a country suffering economic stagnation and the deterioration
of most of its democratic institutions. Obasanjo, a former general,
was admired for his stand against the Abacha dictatorship, his
record of returning the federal government to civilian rule in
1979, and his claim to represent all Nigerians regardless of religion.
The new President took over
a country that faced many problems, including a dysfunctional
bureaucracy, collapsed infrastructure, and a military that wanted
a reward for returning quietly to the barracks. The President
moved quickly and retired hundreds of military officers who held
political positions, established a blue-ribbon panel to investigate
human rights violations, ordered the release of scores of persons
held without charge, and rescinded a number of questionable licenses
and contracts let by the previous military regimes. The government
also moved to recover millions of dollars in funds secreted in
overseas accounts.
Most civil society leaders
and most Nigerians see a marked improvement in human rights and
democratic practice under Obasanjo. The press enjoys greater freedom
than under previous governments. As Nigeria works out representational
democracy, there have been conflicts between the Executive and
Legislative branches over major appropriations and other proposed
legislation. A sign of federalism has been the growing visibility
of state governors and the inherent friction between Abuja and
the various state capitols over resource allocation.
In the eight years since the end of military rule, Nigeria has witnessed recurrent incidents of ethno-religious, community, and resource-related conflicts. Many of these arose from distorted use of oil revenue wealth, as well as from flaws in the 1999 constitution. In May 1999, violence erupted in Kaduna State over the succession of an Emir, resulting in more than 100 deaths. In November 1999, the army destroyed the town of Odi in Bayelsa State and killed scores of civilians in retaliation for the murder of 12 policemen by a local gang. In Kaduna in February-May 2000 over 1,000 people died in rioting over the introduction of criminal Shar'ia in the state. Hundreds of ethnic Hausa were killed in reprisal attacks in southeastern Nigeria. In September 2001, over 2,000 people were killed in inter-religious rioting in Jos. In October 2001, hundreds were killed and thousands displaced in communal violence that spread across the Middle-Belt states of Benue, Taraba, and Nasarawa. On October 1, 2001, President Obasanjo announced the formation of a National Security Commission to address the issue of communal violence. In 2003, he was re-elected in contentious and highly flawed national elections and state gubernatorial elections, which were litigated over two years. Since 2006, violence, destruction of oil infrastructure, and kidnappings of primarily expatriates in the oil-rich Niger River Delta has intensified as militants demanded a greater share of federal revenue for states in the region, as well as benefits from community development. For many reasons, Nigeria's security services have been unable to respond to the security threat, which is both political and criminal.
In May 2006, the National Assembly soundly defeated an attempt to amend the constitution by supporters of a third presidential term for President Obasanjo. This measure was packaged in a bundle of what were otherwise non-controversial amendments. Nigeria's citizens addressed this issue in a constitutional, democratic, and relatively peaceful process.
Civilian Transition
Nigeria held state legislative and gubernatorial elections on April 14 as well as presidential and national legislative elections on April 21, 2007, in which more than 35 political parties participated. Nigeria missed an opportunity to strengthen an element of its democracy through a sound electoral process. Analysis of the process by most international observers did not conform to what Nigeria's National Electoral Commission (INEC) reported. U.S. and international observers reported overall a seriously flawed process with credible reports of malfeasance and vote rigging in some constituencies. The scope of violence that occurred also was regrettable. There were considerable degrees of difference in the conduct of elections among states, but serious differences were also observed within states during the two polling dates. The main opposition parties, All Nigeria People's Party (ANPP) and the Action Congress (AC), as well as numerous smaller political parties and the ruling People's Democratic Party (PDP) have filed petitions to challenge the results of gubernatorial elections in 34 of Nigeria's 36 states. Challenges to the presidential election have been filed by the ANPP, AC, and others in the Federal Court of Appeals, but the opposition is not unified, and mass protests have not materialized. INEC's principal problems included politicization and lack of independence, lack of transparency in its operations and decision-making, and persistent failure to make adequate logistical arrangements for both voter registration and polling. With INEC's certification of the ruling party's presidential ticket as the winner with over 70% of the vote, Nigeria experienced its first transition of power between civilian administrations when President Obasanjo stepped down on May 29, 2007. Newly-elected President Umaru Yar'adua, a moderate and a respected governor from the northern state of Katsina, pledged publicly to make electoral reform, peace and security in the Niger Delta, and continued electoral reform his top priorities.
Although much reform remains to be implemented, the Yar'Adua administration has attempted to distance itself from its predecessor and shown unprecedented restraint in allowing the legislative and judicial branches to operate free from influence. In October 2007 Patricia Etteh, the Speaker of the Federal House of Representatives, resigned over allegations of corruption, after intense legislative and public pressure. As of mid-February 2008, electoral tribunals and the courts had nullified at least six gubernatorial, nine Senate, 11 House, and 14 state-level House of Assembly elections from April 2007. On February 5, the Presidential Election Tribunal heard closing arguments from the attorneys of the two major opposition candidates; a verdict is expected sometime in March 2008.
